John Clerides, is an outspoken Vancouver businessman who worries about the deteriorating economic healthy of Vancouver. I met with him yesterday to discuss what might be done to address the deteriorating situation in the Downtown Eastside. Last night, h sent me this article written by someone who manages SROs in the community. I find it quite horrific, and while it is a very long article, I think it's well worth reading.
Daily fires and unchecked chaos have escalated the Downtown Eastside into a state of emergency – the situation is unsustainable, writes Jillian Skeet
The Downtown Eastside in Vancouver is under siege, battling an undeclared fire emergency.
Single room occupancy hotels in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside average a fire a day and thousands of police calls a year, but instead of treating it like the crisis it is, municipal and provincial governments are shirking responsibility for their failed policies and doubling-down on programs that aren’t working.
Ongoing chaos and deterioration in the Downtown Eastside (DTES) have escalated to a state of emergency. The situation is unsustainable.
Single room occupancy hotels, mainly in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES), average one fire a day, with first responders attending up to five fires in one day.
One provincial government-funded SRO, Hotel Canada, was the source of more than 500 fire department calls in 2022. Shortly after Vancouver Fire Rescue tweeted that fact, the post disappeared. Possibly because government is downplaying the seriousness of the situation, worried the incessant fires will raise questions about the effectiveness of their policies and programs.
But for anyone with eyes to see, there’s no denying the emergency in the Downtown Eastside.
I’ve worked in single room occupancy hotels in the DTES for a decade and now help manage three privately funded SROs in the area, long known as the most poverty and drug-afflicted neighbuorhood in the province. We recieve no government support and no funding.
In July, over a two-week span, there were four fires within a one-block radius of our facility. Three were in other SROs, the fourth began between our building and the business next door, which sustained damage and was forced to temporarily close.
Vancouver Fire Rescue Service estimates 24 per cent of fires they attended in 2024 were deliberately set and 61 per cent were caused by cigarette or drug smoking materials, such as “drug users dropping butane lighters with the flame locked on, setting fire to themselves or their surroundings.”
Government-funded advocates fight evictions of dangerous tenants
Besides the fires, SROs have unending conflicts and dangers to manage – many created by damaging public policies like safe supply and decriminalization and government-funded tenant advocacy organizations.
Between 2019 and 2023, five DTES facilities drew 31,000 police calls – which averages out to almost 6,200 calls per hotel – including a weapons-related call every 40 hours, according to data obtained by the Daily Hive.
Those of us trying to run safe buildings find ourselves constantly defending against state-funded advocates who fight our efforts to evict residents when they pose a serious danger to other tenants.
We were dragged through Residential Tenancy by a DTES advocate-lawyer funded by all levels of government, who fought an eviction of a dangerous tenant. The tenant had a jerry can filled with gasoline and threatened to burn down the building. We won the case, but we’re not lawyers and legal challenges like these stretch our resources to the limit.
As a result of actions of advocates, we had the Residential Tenancy Branch conduct a hostile six-week investigation after we boarded two rooms as unsafe. One, after the tenant lit his room on fire and admitted to the fire investigator that he had been smoking drugs when the fire occurred. The other, after an unauthorized guest was left alone in a room and took a hammer to the sprinkler, flooding the building and destroying a $12,000 fire panel.
In both cases we were threatened with thousands of dollars in fines if we did not immediately restore the rooms and allow the tenants to return.
While many advocacy and outreach programs in the DTES were initiated with good intentions, most have run unchecked and often counter to the best interests and safety of the DTES and its residents.
Supportive housing has failed
The Howard Johnson Hotel on Granville, now known as the Luugat, was purchased in 2020 by the provincial government for an eye-watering $55 million ($500,000 per room), one of many such property purchases by BC Housing at many times the assessed value. Classified as ‘supportive housing,’ the Luugat recently logged its third fire in a month. Since 2020, 44 fires and 900 emergency calls have been reported at this facility, along with 4,000 calls to police in 2024 alone.
This model of ‘supportive housing’ is obviously not working.
As years-long chaos and deterioration in the Downtown Eastside escalated to a state of emergency, housing and SRO owners in particular, were blamed for the problems in the DTES. Then, when
For years, I’ve seen private SRO owners vilified and scapegoated for the problems on the DTES. Blaming private SROs is to a large extent what has allowed the situation to deteriorate for decades because the government would say, ‘Look over at them, they are the problem, don’t look at us.’
Now that the province, the city and their agencies own and operate single room occupancy housing facilities in the DTES, the narrative has changed.
The Winters Hotel, operated by the B.C. Housing agent Atira – at the time, the highest publicly funded non-profit housing agency in the province – burnt to the ground and killed two people. I do not know of a single privately owned and operated SRO that has had that kind of devastating fire.
The fire and police calls to the provincially funded Howard Johnson/Luugat and Hotel Canada are off the charts. And their operators have access to government coffers and all sorts of supports we can only dream of having. Yet they have probably the worst records of any SROs ever. We’re not perfect but we sure do a lot better than them.
Since the province and city entered the SRO business, the lack housing is no longer blamed on operators. And the term ‘slumlord’ was quietly retired once governments became landlords. Now the culprit is more often identified as the buildings themselves, leaving the non-profit operators and government funders free of responsibility.
The term ‘slumlord’ was quietly retired once governments became the SRO landlords.
Again and again, government officials suggest that old SRO buildings are the cause of the dramatic escalation in fires and safety violations. But if you pay attention to fire officials’ reports, the major cause is most often tracked back to incidents of residents smoking drugs – not the inanimate buildings that house them.
Yet the blame strategy is prevalent.
In a press conference on air pollution in supportive housing facilities, former BC Housing minister Ravi Kahlon downplayed the levels of airborne fentanyl levels as unsafe, despite WorkSafe BC testing at several supportive housing facilities revealing fentanyl smoke exceeded safety guidelines in some buildings, including in shared hallways, common rooms and administrative offices. In one West Hastings facility, fentanyl pollution “grossly exceeded” air safety limits.
When asked about the negative health effects of fentanyl exposure on staff in supportive housing facilities, the Ministry of Health recommended: “For prolonged or higher dose exposure to smoke from unknown substances, including fentanyl or other opioids, go outside into fresh air as quickly as possible and monitor symptoms in case medical attention is required.”
According to the minister, the problem didn’t seem to be provincial policy or how provincially funded operators managed the facilities, both of which quite obviously allow unfettered drug use throughout the buildings. Rather, the culprit was the outdated ventilation systems that needed upgrading.
Negative consequences are there for all to see
The provincial government is not alone in its failed duty to protect residents, staff and first responders forced to deal with these dangerous conditions. All levels of government have played a role in creating the current dysfunctional situation.
The federal government is responsible for lax justice system allows criminals to thrive in the DTES with minimal legal deterrent. Criminals are often caught and released multiple times in succession, failing to appear for each rescheduled court appearance. One hardened criminal we crossed paths with in our hotel was on the run from a warrant for a year before he was caught. Shortly after his arrest, he was released with a new court date and has been on the run again for more than nine months.
Like closing the Riverview Mental Hospital in 2012 and leaving those with serious mental illness without adequate care, the provincial government’s decriminalization has skyrocketed public drug use and fuelled a flagrant disregard for rules. And “safe supply” has added to the supply of drugs on the street, as many of those who are addicted sell the pills to dealers to buy fentanyl. The negative consequences are in plain view to all but the wilfully blind.
The now well-recognized diversion of safe supply drugs to criminal entities, and even youth in our province, has also brought a new layer of criminality to the DTES. And there is a disturbing correlation between the disastrous escalation in SRO fires since 2023 and the pervasive use of smoked fentanyl – which coincidentally tracks with the Provincial Health Officer’s 2023 report advocating to expand access to smokeable fentanyl via the safe supply program.
According to fire officials, the last two years have broken the record for the greatest number of fires in Vancouver Fire and Rescue Services’ history. These fires – the majority in the DTES – have had a devastating impact.
SRO fires
For those in the SRO sector, the situation has become unsustainable from both an economic and safety standpoint. Financing has become increasingly impossible to obtain for private operators without the deep pocket backer of BC Housing. And insurance, besides being very difficult to find, has skyrocketed. At the same time, restoring fire systems and undertaking repairs can cost tens of thousands of dollars for which, private operators get no assistance.
Government funding buys scandals and loyalty in DTES industry
None of the $600 million spent in the DTES each year provides support to those outside the government system. But it buys a lot of loyalty from organizations and individuals for whom the havoc and disorder in the DTES are a lucrative business.
We’ve had clues over the years that the problems of the DTES go far beyond untreated mental illness and addiction to the very core of the harm reduction industry that was developed around this human tragedy.
There was the Portland Hotel Society scandal in 2014 where government funding for the homeless was diverted to limousines, luxury hotel rooms, cruises and even a family trip to Disneyland.
The $600 million spent in the DTES each year buys a lot of loyalty from organizations for whom the havoc and disorder in the DTES are a lucrative business.
Then came the numerous, long-standing conflicts of interest perpetuated by the former head of BC Housing when he bypassed accountability processes to award funding and lucrative government contracts to his wife’s non-profit company, Atira – blatant ethical lapses that were the talk of the DTES for many years prior.
The B.C. government only launched an investigation when the conflict was likely to be revealed during an inquest into the deaths of two residents in a 2022 fire at the Winters Hotel, run by Atira at the time. The fatalities inspired a class action suit on behalf of hotel residents, alleging negligence by the operators.
By May 2023, Atira was back in the good books of the city at least, when it reportedly got $800,000 in grants. In a strange twist, Atira announced this spring it was suing two former residents for starting fires the organization alleges contributed to the fatalities.
A more recent scandal involved the lucrative contract given in secret to Michael Bryant to assess and make recommendations regarding the DTES, allegedly based on Premier David Eby’s recommendation. When news of the contract broke three months after it began, most of the major stakeholders in the DTES knew nothing about the appointment and had not been contacted to provide input.
Violent tenants are often cycled back into the same housing
Then, on June 30, after all but ignoring years of complaints from supportive housing operators, the B.C. government acknowledged the need to “take action” to protect tenants. Then Housing minister Ravi Kahlon (since moved to the Jobs ministry) announced his government would put together a working group “to act on requests from housing providers for more authority to respond to urgent safety issues” involving weapons, criminal activity in supportive housing facilities.
“We have heard from providers that they need more authority to take action and keep people safe and we will be working with our partners to find a path forward that ensures people can live in a safe, inclusive and supportive environment,” said Kahlon.
Call me underwhelmed.
Because in the meantime, housing operators like ourselves continue to bear the brunt of failed government policies.
Even in instances of brutal assaults, tenants are usually released back to the same housing, with providers helpless to keep them out. After working through the Residential Tenancy Branch to evict tenants in these situations, tenants are now often given as long as two months to find housing while they continue to endanger both the staff and the building they were ostensibly evicted from.
Even in instances of brutal assaults, tenants are usually released back to the same housing.
We’ve had two recent cases where the occupants of rooms brutally assaulted our managers and were blocking egress – leaving items in hallways and other common areas that must be kept clear for evacuation in case of a fire – in violation of the fire code.
Another time during Covid, we had a tenant illegally occupy the room of an absent tenant, while subletting his own room to a couple who shot out all our security cameras with a BB-gun. The couple was removed by police. The same tenant then assisted a dangerous drug gang to gain access to another vacant room in the building. When police attended, they were met at the door by a 17-year-old with a loaded gun and subsequently removed a huge cache of weapons, ammunition, body armour and drugs from the room.
We have an excellent relationship with the police, who respond quickly when tenants and staff are endangered, but they too are restricted by a dysfunctional system.
When police attended, they were met at the door by a 17-year-old with a loaded gun.
Despite our efforts to expedite the eviction of the clearly dangerous tenant, it took six months between the time we filed for eviction and the rental tenancy board hearing. We went to the BC Supreme Court to obtain the requisite Writ of Possession and hired a bailiff for $1,800 to evict the tenant from the two rooms.
Unknown to us, while the bailiff was finishing up, the tenant was in front of a judge with an outreach worker from Vancouver Coastal Health who had been advised of the reasons for the eviction some two weeks earlier, yet was nonetheless assisting the tenant in requesting a ‘stay of eviction.’
The Supreme Court judge, knowing nothing of the reasons for the eviction, and seeing the support of Vancouver Coastal Health, granted the stay. The tenant then proceeded to drag all his belongings back into the building.
What ensued was ten days of back-and-forth to court, trying to get the stay lifted. During this period, the fire department did a surprise inspection and, despite being told the story, advised us that we were going to be fined $2,000. We begged for a reprieve of two hours, assembled a team and removed all the tenant’s belongings to the alley where we risked fines from the city and retribution from the tenancy board.
These are just a few examples of many involving advocates from a range of government agencies that compound the serious flaws of the criminal justice system and contribute to the dangerous and unsustainable situation in the DTES.
We are continually placed in impossible situations like this.
‘Vancouver is known as a place to hide’
At the same time that government-funded advocates and outreach workers fight our efforts to remove dangerous and/or destructive tenants, the city and the fire department hold us accountable for the tenants’ behaviour. The city fines and even charges us with bylaw infractions, and the fire department charges us $210 every time there is a false fire alarm – usually caused by tenants smoking drugs or cigarettes. In 2024, firefighters responded to more than 15,600 false alarms in Vancouver.
We have accumulated thousands of dollars in fines for false alarms over the years. At the same time, the city, in collusion with the province, has defied two court decisions and imposed vacancy controls that prohibit the raising of rents between tenants to cover rising costs.
One city-funded agency spends our tax dollars to help the homeless find support and housing in the DTES – but a significant number of the people they assist are fugitives fleeing criminal prosecution from other jurisdictions in B.C. or beyond.
We discovered the hard way we need to carefully screen everyone referred to us by this city-funded agency after one tenant drew a drug gang turf war inside and immediately outside of the building. As we tried to unravel what was going on, we learned that the tenant had previously been the subject of an Abbotsford police “most wanted” poster for violent home invasions and drug gang activity, and had a current outstanding arrest warrant.
We learned the tenant had previously been the subject of an Abbotsford police “most wanted” poster for violent home invasions and drug gang activity.
While it may be honourable to provide housing and assistance to anyone who needs it, the constant influx of people from other jurisdictions – some with serious criminal pasts or fugitives escaping justice elsewhere – has been a major contributor to the continuing deterioration of the Downtown Eastside.
Vancouver has become known as a place to hide where you’ll be assisted with housing and basic needs – no questions asked. And, of course, it’s viewed across Canada as the most drug-friendly jurisdiction, where you can receive all manner of harm reduction support, including government supplied drugs and drug use paraphernalia.
I have met people from all over Canada who found their way to Vancouver for these reasons. I even had a mother from the Yukon who flew her son to Vancouver to take advantage of B.C.’s free safe supply opioids.
As with so many initiatives in the DTES, good intentions often run amuck with dire consequences.
We are on the frontlines with no vested economic interest in the status quo. We have repeatedly attempted to alert the city and the province to the reality on the ground. We have sent three registered letters with receipts over the last two years.
To-date, all our requests for urgent meetings have been ignored as the housing situation continues to spiral out of control. Our governments continue to facilitate rather than curb drug use. They force violent offenders to live in facilities unequipped to manage their dangerous behaviour. And they have made no apparent progress addressing the mental health crisis in the province’s most troubled neighbourhood.
Meanwhile, as governments look the other way, the Downtown Eastside continues to burn.
